rlook the great subject of the slaves'
emancipation, in zealous advocacy of, or opposition to, these new
measures, I cannot well doubt, judging from the testimony of those, who,
not fully sympathizing with either, endeavored to bring all back to the
single object of the anti-slavery association. In addition to these
intestine troubles, the pro-slavery party made strenuous exertions to
fasten upon the society the responsibility of the opinions and
proceedings of its non-resistant and no-government members. Under these
circumstances it is easy to understand the interruption, for a season,
of the unity of feeling and action which had previously characterized
the assemblies of the abolitionists. The actual separation in the
societies took place in the Spring of 1840. The members of the executive
committee at New York, with one exception, seceded and became members of
the committee of the "new organization," under the name of the "American
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society." There are, therefore, now two central
or national anti-slavery societies; the "old organization," retaining
the designation of the "American Anti-Slavery Society." The State
Societies have, for the most part, taken up a position of neutrality, or
independence of both. It is important to add that the division took
place on the "women's rights" question, and that this is the only one of
the controverted points which the American Anti-Slavery Society has
officially affirmed; and it is argued, on behalf of their view of this
question, that since, in the original "constitution" of the society, the
term, describing its members, officers, et cet., is "persons," that
women are plainly invested with the same eligibility to appointments,
and the same right to vote and act as the other sex. I need not say how
this "constitutional" argument is met on the other side. The other new
views are held by comparatively few persons, and neither anti-slavery
society in America is responsible for them. In conclusion, I rejoice to
be able to a
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