dd, that the separation, in its effects, appears to have
been a healing measure; a better and kinder feeling is beginning to
pervade all classes of American abolitionists; the day of mutual
crimination seems to be passing away, and there is strong reason to hope
that the action of the respective societies will henceforward
harmoniously tend to the same object. That such may be the result is my
sincere desire. It is proper in this connection to state that a
considerable number of active and prominent abolitionists do not
entirely sympathize with either division of the anti-slavery society;
and there are comparatively few who make their views, for or against the
question on which the division took place, a matter of conscience.
I have now given a brief, and I trust an impartial account of the origin
of these dissensions. Some may possibly regard the views and proceedings
above referred to, as the natural growth of abolitionism, but as well
might the divisions among the early reformers be charged upon the
doctrines of the Reformation, or the "thirty years' war" upon the
preaching of Luther.
On the evening of the 14th instant, we met at a social party the leading
abolitionists of Philadelphia of the "old organization." There were
present all but one of the delegates from Pennsylvania to the London
Convention. I availed myself of the opportunity of briefly and
distinctly stating the unanimous conclusion of the London Anti-Slavery
Committee, in which I entirely concurred, on the points at issue. I
observed, in substance, that in the struggle for the liberation of the
slaves in the British Colonies, one great source of our moral strength
was, the singleness of our object, and our not allowing any other
subject, however important or unexceptionable, to be mixed up with it;
that though the aid of our female coadjutors had been of vital
importance to the success of the anti-slavery enterprize, yet that their
exertions had been uniformly directed by separate committees of their
own sex, and
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